Although John Warder (1751-1828) was barely three at the time of the death of his grandfather, John Head, his words aptly describe how business was conducted at his grandfather's shop. John Warder's mother, Mary Head Warder (1714-1803), or "May" as she was called in the family, worked there together with her parents, siblings, and husband, Jeremiah Warder (1711-1783, married 1736). May, her brother John Head, Jr. (1723-1792), and her mother Rebecca Mase (or Mace) Head (1688-1764) sometimes took care of cash payments;⁷⁴ sister Sary [Sarah] Head Brian (b. 1715) was charged out to customers for "work don;"⁷⁵ and John, Jr., Jeremiah Warder, sister Hannah Head Hooton (b. 1720), and Hannah's husband Benjamin Hooton (married 1742) did some of the deliveries.⁷⁶

Perhaps because of the constraints of a barter economy, Philadelphia's resourceful artisans found themselves becoming shopkeepers as well. This enabled them to transact business in a far larger range of goods and increased the saleability of their manufactured products. John Head, Jr.77 and Jeremiah Warder⁷⁸ were to become two of Philadelphia's most prominent merchants by the time of the Revolution, importing large quantities of fabric, among other goods. The interests of these merchants, in their youth, as well as those of Head's son Samuel, a carpenter,⁷⁹ may have contributed to the broadening of Head's business well beyond cabinetmaking.

Although Head identified himself a "Joyner" at the time of death, his transactions and property development demonstrate that his commercial interests were not confined to a single trade. It was not an unusual circumstance of the period for individuals, especially Quakers, to style themselves as joiners and yet be large holders of real estate and "men of substance."⁸⁰ Quakers, in particular, appeared to be attracted to the "sober virtues of the aspiring tradesman."⁸¹ Benjamin Franklin, an artisan himself, found Philadelphia's "Mechanics" to be esteemed by their fellow citizens because of the usefulness of their employment: "The People have a saying, that God Almighty is himself a Mechanic, the greatest in the Universe, and he is respected and admired more for the Variety, Ingenuity, and Utility of his Handiworks, than from Antiquity of his Family."⁸²

It has been estimated that between 1700-1745, one out of every six Philadelphia artisans had amassed £300.⁸³ A craftsman such as Head often acquired commercial skills in his initial trade that he could later transfer to expanding his business into other lines.⁸⁴ For example, having taken in large quantities of various woods for his cabinetmaking, it is not surprising that Head's entries also show him to be a wholesaler of wood to others, including those involved in cabinetmaking, the building trades, or in the manufacture of brick and iron. The latter businesses required cords of wood as fuel for their kilns and ovens.⁸⁵

As a supplier of substantial numbers of "Badstad[s]," and of the testers and curtains that went with them, Head may have found a ready introduction to the buying and selling of fabrics. Fabrics were imported in huge quantities by merchants such as James Logan and provided a frequent medium of exchange in Head's shop. The fabrics mentioned in his account book cover a wide range, from coarse to fine, and from plain to striped. They include: "Cambrik [cambric]," "Carsey [jersey?]," "Chaney [cheney]," "Coten [cotton]," "Coue Hide [cowhide]," "Crape [crepe]," "Doules [toile]," "Diper [diaper-pattern]," "Druget [drugget]," "Duroy [corduroy]," "flanel [flannel]," "Garlick [garleck]," "Leghther [leather]," "Linen," "Spakd Linen [speckled linen]," "Linzey woolsey," "muslen [muslin]," "osinbrig [osenbirk]," "Sarge [serge]," "Sholune [shalloon]," "Silk," "Stript hollon [striped Holland]," "Tape," "Twill," "Wan [?]," and "Woosted Wool [worsted wool]."⁸⁶

One of John Head's sons and two of his sons-in-law were to style themselves hatters. John Head, Jr., "a short, chunky man" was "[o]riginally a hatter - and from dealing in furs he became a shipping merchant - and very wealthy."⁸⁷ He advertised himself as a hatter," in Philadelphia, opposite to the Church."⁸⁸ Jeremiah Warder had his own account with Head, Sr. since 1745, when he was debited for seventy-three "hat bloks."⁸⁹ Benjamin Hooton had been debited by Head, Sr. for one hundred and five "hat bloks."⁹⁰

Fig. 10: Tri-cornered hatbox Chalfant Collection

Warder is thought to have been trained by John Warder, also a hatter.91 His beginnings, in the beaver hat trade in Bucks County, were humble.⁹² Even after becoming a prosperous merchant, as a sideline he engaged in the fur trade with the Indians of western Pennsylvania.⁹³ Warder or Head, Jr. may have been the source of pelts for Head, Sr.'s hat debits. On 3/3/45, Head, Sr. debited £1-10-0 to Thomas Penenton [Pennington], "To a B[e]aver hatt dd [delivered] to his son James."⁹⁴ Head had some prior involvement in the hat trade. William Spafard had been debited £0-2-6 by Head, on 9/27/24, "To pak: 6 hats;" and £0-3-0, on the following day, "To pake Bonits." Head also supplied Jon Loyd [John Lloyd?] a "hat Box," on 9/27/24, at £0-2-0.⁹⁵ A walnut tri-cornered hat box may be from this period, as it has early features such as a single arched base moulding and cotter pin hinges [fig. 10]. Jeremiah seems also to have initiated substantial business for Head, Sr. in a new line -- shirts. During 1746-1747, Head, Sr. charged Warder for "maken" 62 "rufeld Shurts" and 74, presumably plain, ones.⁹⁶ Warder became prominent as an exporter, "one of the richest men in outward goods among Friends." Afterwards, he expanded into shipping and importing under the firm name, Jeremiah Warder & Sons.⁹⁷

Samuel Head's name appears only occasionally in his father's account book, but none of the entries show him actively engaged in his father's business.⁹⁸ However, above the cover title, "John Head his Books of accounts," also appears the faint inscription "Samuel," together with some further wording, now indecipherable. It is thus possible that some of the entries in the account book may relate to business in which Samuel was involved. Samuel was a carpenter. As he was someone involved with the building trades, this may in part explain why several hundred entries throughout Head's book pertain to building supplies bought or sold by the firm.

Vast quantities of brick, stone, lime, lath, and "scantlen" [scantling], in particular, are recorded as being transacted. Both brick and stone were used as building materials for Philadelphia houses. But Kalm tells us that "the former are more commonly used, since bricks are made before the town, and are well burnt." Bricks were made from the clay pits located in the northwest side of town. Head got well over a hundred thousand "Briks" from brickmakers, such as Abram Cox and members of the Coates family. Many also came from the bricklayers working on his own properties. Indeed, most bricks credited by Head appear to be for his own needs.⁹⁹

Head, perhaps through Samuel, also seems to have been heavily involved in supplying the builders of the day. On 8/1/35, John Coats was debited £0-4-6, "To scafels [scaffolds] poles and - 3 pound Rop[e]s."¹⁰⁰ Another builder supplied by Head was fellow joiner Edmund Woolley. Woolley, the contractor for Head's house, later became master carpenter and designer of the Pennsylvania State House.¹⁰¹ Lime, a big seller by the "Bushel" or "pak," was sold from Head's "Siler [cellar]."¹⁰² Kalm noted that "[v]ery good lime is burnt every where hereabouts, for masonry."¹⁰³ Starting in 1730, sash "lights" or "glas" were also sold by Head, perhaps an outgrowth of the many he bought for his own construction needs.¹⁰⁴ Head also sold tools.¹⁰⁵ Samuel Head was still on Mulberry Street (now called Arch Street) as of 1760.¹⁰⁶

With few exceptions, no carpentry appears to have been performed by the Head shop. The £4-0-0 charged Jeremiah Warder, on 4/20/46, "To Building his stable at his paster [pasture]," may have been a special commission for a family member.¹⁰⁷ All of the other carpentry jobs are credits, usually for work done at Head's residences or premises. None mention Samuel Head. Whatever role Samuel Head may have played in his father's business, there is documented evidence that he was employed elsewhere by 1745.¹⁰⁸

Thomas Maule, a joiner who later turned to the hardware business, appears also to have had a close working relationship with Head, perhaps even as an apprentice. The earliest Head account book entry pertaining to him is on 7/5/41, "By a pay [pair] shoues for Thomas Maul [Maule]," a £0-7-0 credit to the account of Joseph Daves.109 Amidst the large number of shoe orders filled by Daves for Head, that order is the only one not for a member of Head's immediate family. Also, Head never debited Maule for those shoes. This suggests that Maule was also working at Head's premises.

By 1742, Maule seems to have been working for his own account, as a joiner. Head's debit entries for Maule that year show the latter taking in "2 Clockcas freeses [blind fretwork]," at £0-3-0 [4/28/42]; "2 payer Buts Joynts," at £0-3-0 [6/20/42]; "a parsel of Bords and scantlen [scantling]," at £2-17-0, and "2 handles," at £0-0-10 [9/10/42]; "walnut plank sold him," at £1-6-4, and "292 foot of pine Bord", at £1-0-4 [11/10/42]; and "a parsel of Walnut", at £2-0-0 [12/19/42]. The "sold" entry is unusual, as it would have been redundant for Head to have noted that on a debit page. Maybe Head wanted to differentiate this walnut from wood previously given gratis to Maule, perhaps while he worked for Head. In 1743, Maule buys more wood from Head, "58 foot of walnut Bord," at £0-9-10 [2/21/43]. Maule may have specialized in clockcases, as he buys an additional "ClockCas frees," at £0-1-6 [4/21/43].¹¹⁰ As Head made his last clockcases in that year,¹¹¹ Maule may have simply been buying up Head's unused stock for later resale.¹¹² In 1744, Maule was married.¹¹³

By 1746, Maule described himself as a "Joiner in Front Street," when he sought the return of his runaway "Apprentice Boy," William Holland. He still described himself as a joiner in 1748, selling "Most sorts of joiners work," but he also advertises various hardware, tools, and even "fine salt, and chocolate." In May, 1749, while advertising furniture hardware and a "large assortment of other ironmongery ware," Maule maintained that he "follows his trade as a joiner;" moreover, he was confident that he could "furnish...the best curled walnut or mapple joiner's work that can be had." But there may have been a change in the nature of his business later that year. On July 27, 1749, he no longer described himself as a joiner at his "removed" location on Second street, near the church," but appears exclusively involved in selling hardware, as well as "sundry sorts of dry goods," and even "mens shoe and knee buckles, by the dozen." By November 1749, he was also selling a "large assortment of pewter." By 1750, Maule seems firmly engrossed in the hardware business, as his Second Street business was advertised as "at the sign of the cross cut saw." Finally, in 1756, John Head, Jr. advertised that Maule was "late of this city," and that all of his accounts were being settled. John Head, Jr.'s advertisement may indicate the persistence of a relationship between Maule and the Head family, as does Maule's previous inventorying of the effects of John Head, Sr.¹¹⁴

By the end of 1744, Head appears to have decided to cease production of furniture altogether. Head capped his career with a singular piece, "a walnut Chest of Drawers In - 3 parts," on 10/27/44. Together with "a Little Chest of Drawers," it cost John Rouse £18-0-0.115 The volume of his recorded business transactions also tapered off by this time. There may have been more than one reason for this circumstance. Head was, by then, 56 years of age, no longer a young man. By 1747, Head's handwriting appears infirm. Perhaps he was ill.¹¹⁶ Another, more immediate, reason may have been that Philadelphia commerce in general was suffering from the June 11, 1744 declaration of war against France, proclaimed at the Court House by the Governor and city fathers. French and Spanish privateers were hovering off the Delaware and Chesapeake capes, mirroring American privateers' conduct in the West Indies.¹¹⁷ Yet a third reason may have been that there had been a stylistic change in furniture, such as the introduction about this time of the ball and claw foot, with which Head was unwilling or, for competitive reasons, unable to contend.¹¹⁸ Whatever the reason, Head never again recorded furniture making in his account book.

Maule appears to have been the immediate beneficiary of Head's decision. On 10/7/44, Maule became the new owner of "a Joyners Bench" from Head (perhaps Head's own), at £0-12-0. Between 1744-1747, Maule also bought from Head large quantities of "Till Loks," "handles & scuchens [escutcheons]," and "drawer loks and som Kies."¹¹⁹ Head's sons and sons-in-law also appear to have become more fully engaged either in other business at Head's shop or elsewhere. In 1745, Samuel Head shows up as doing carpentry work with Joseph Webb. In 1746-1747, Jeremiah Warder first appears as ordering shirts from John Head's establishment. On 7/24/48, Head also recorded selling another son-in-law, Benjamin Hooton, "2247 foot of Sader and pine Bord at Sundre times use[d] In his Shop and house," at £10-4-0; and "1422 foot of Scantlen reduced used in his shop and house at s/6 per hundred," at £4-5-0.¹²⁰ Head, arguably, would not have parted with the sort of essential joiner materials and supplies he had sold to Maule and Hooton, had he further use for them.¹²¹

One measure of Head's success is that, within a decade or so of his arrival, he had amassed substantial real property. On 5/19/28, he credited James Sewer [Seward?] £2-0-0, "By paven the front of our four houses."122 By the time of his death, Head's will listed a total of seven properties, as well as referencing other real estate sold.

According to the Cresson memoranda, the house in which John Head lived and died no longer survived as of 1874. It had stood on the North side of Arch Street [which Head consistently referred to as Mulberry Street], 40 feet East of Third Street, on a lot measuring 20 by 110 feet.¹²³ Confirming those dimensions is Head's will. It left the property to his daughter Martha Lawrence, and further described it as "my House and Lot or piece of ground in Mulberry Street wherein I now dwell, Joyning to Mary Pounds Lott...." Martha also got Head's house and lot on Third Street, adjoining the house of carpenter Hugh Hughes, measuring 15 feet in front and going back 40 feet. At the rear, it was contiguous to the West side of his first bequest to her.¹²⁴

Head's son Samuel was to be paid ground rent for those two properties by Martha. Samuel also was given the ground rent from a third property, described as a "Lott in third street which I sold some Years agoe to Joseph and John Thornhill." A fourth property and ground rent therefrom also went to Samuel, described as "half my Lot or piece of Ground in Mulberry Street joining to the House I sold to George Smith," the half measuring 17 feet in front and going back 51 feet. The other half of that lot, which adjoined Edward Warner's house, went to John Head, Jr.¹²⁵

A fifth property, "my House in Mulberry Street joining to the Widow Legays," measuring 19 by 110 feet with another 20 feet of lot in back, went to daughter Rebecca Jones. (Head's will notes that he had previously sold the widow a room over the alley and a lot, and a "privilege," i.e., an easement, in the alley to get to the lot.) Another daughter, Esther Baker, got a sixth property, "my House and Lot or piece of Ground in Cherry Street," as well as "my quarter part of the Share of the pump over the way...." A seventh property, on the Frankford Road, was originally parceled out in four bequests by the will. But by a superseding codicil, it ended up all going to daughter Mary Warder, whose husband Jeremiah owned the adjacent property.¹²⁶

Head paid £7-0-0 a year ground rent on his Mulberry Street property to James Steel. The substantial credits thus created were mostly paid off in furniture debited to Steel's account, making him Head's best customer. More ground rent was credited to the accounts of others.127 But Head also received rents on his own properties. They provided him with another source of income, in addition to what he derived from his sales of furniture, building supplies, fabrics, and miscellaneous goods.¹²⁸

Head's construction records are among his most detailed entries. They describe Head's immediate physical environment and give the cost of materials, components, and labor. They also afford a first-hand account of how Philadelphia craftsmen went about designing, erecting and finishing a house.

The earliest construction entry is for a repair job. Bangman Rods [Benjamin Rhoades?] charged £3-6-0, on 8/1/20, "To : The Wallen up a pes [piece] of a Siler by an Irishman."129 By the next year, Head seems to have progressed from his cellar to his roof, as he was buying substantial quantities of shingles.¹³⁰ Shingles of white cedar were found to rot less than other woods. Because they were so light, many built their houses of extremely thin walls. By Kalm's visit, the cedar trees were nearly all gone, as they had not been replanted. Kalm expressed concern that, as cedar shingle roofs decayed and heavier materials, such as tiles, were substituted, Philadelphia houses might have to be rebuilt.¹³¹

Edward Worner [Warner] was engaged "To measuren on[e] Tennement [dwelling]," and credited £0-4-6, on 1/3/23.¹³² A Mulberry Street neighbor at the time of the Head's death, Warner would later describe himself as "House-Carpenter."¹³³

The first express reference to Head having a "Home," as well as additional houses, is on 3/8/23, when Thomas Williams charged £4-16-6, "To ye WorkmanShip of plasteren ye 2 kitchens & chambers ouer Home and ye Little Houses."¹³⁴ The "2 Lod Bord [loads of board]" hauled by William Rakstraw [Rakestraw] two weeks later may have also been for this project. Rakestraw kept his board yard on Water Street, near Vine.¹³⁵ More shingles were bought soon after, including from Charles Read, who had advertised "Very Good Season'd Pine boards and Cedar Shingles to be sold by Charles Read opposite to Mr. Thomas Masters at the Corner of the Front and market Streets in Philadelphia...."¹³⁶

Carpenter Edmund Woolley was supposed to do the work but, by the time he showed up, the shingles were already up. Not one to permit a tardy contractor from getting the advantage of him, Head got an £8-10-0 allowance, on 12/22/23, against what he had originally agreed to pay.¹³⁷ Woolley charged Head eighteen shillings a square foot for doing the work that he did do, but Head didn't credit him until Edward Warner and Joseph Cross had confirmed the extent of that work. The total came to £31-14-6 and was credited on 1/3/24.¹³⁸

Work continued in high gear. That same month, party fences were erected for another Head neighbor, James Brown.¹³⁹ Brickwork, lathwork and sashlights followed, priced "to the penny" by Head.¹⁴⁰ Brisk business at Head's shop may have necessitated the provision of "2 payer Banches [benches] at ye dore."¹⁴¹

Watson notes that "[t]he conveniences of pumps were rarely seen for many years in the primitive city." The earliest he referenced was a pump at Pewter-platter alley.142 But Head had one at least two years earlier. On 2/12/21, he debited Barnibars Talbert [Barnabas Talbot], "To Warter from ye pomp." Thus Head may have capitalized on a shortage of pumps by selling water from his own. Head is not specific as to whether the pump water was used for consumption, but he does state that it was used for construction. He began renting it on an annual basis. James Boolen [Bollen] paid £0-6-9, on 9/1/22, "To Warter for Building And on[e] years Warter to This day." Hugh Cordry was paid for mending and "Laghtheren [lubricating]" the pump. A new "pomp" was purchased, in 1735, from Samuel Powel Sanor [Samuel Powell, Sr.] and, in 1736, another "pump and Boxes" from carpenter Samuel Rhoads who, until 1741, mended and lubricated them. The last "Worter" sold by Head was paid for by carpenter John Nicholas, in 1734, and credited to James Poultis.¹⁴³

In 1726, another construction project for Head appears to have started. On 1/18/26, Thomas Gotfrey [Godfrey] charged £0-19-6 "By Glasen [glazing]: 13 foot." Of what we don't know, but Godfrey was known for his window glass.144 This charge would appear to relate to one of Head's houses, as Head doesn't debit anyone else for the work. Also, Godfrey was not among the glaziers Head recorded as doing work on his clockcases.

Franklin, who boarded with Godfrey for a time, stated that Godfrey "lived in Part of my House with his Wife and Children, and had one Side of the Shop for his Glazier's Business, tho' he worked little, being always absorbed in his Mathematics."¹⁴⁵ By 1740, Godfrey was advertising "to teach NAVIGATION, ASTRONOMY, and other parts of the MATHEMATICKS, at his House in Second Street."¹⁴⁶ Godfrey was later to become celebrated as a mathematician and inventor, his natural talents being recognized and nurtured by James Logan, among others. His obituary noted his accomplishments: "...Mr. THOMAS GODFREY, who had an uncommon Genius for all kinds of Mathematical Learning, with which he was extreamly well acquainted. He invented the New Reflecting Quadrant, used in Navigation."¹⁴⁷

Head utilized his cellar for business. On 8/21/26, he noted "ye Siler cleared of" lime, which he had sold to Thomas Canan [Cannon?]. Other storage may have been in Head's yard shed.148

In 1727, carpenter Joseph Rakstraw [Rakestraw] started doing work for Head. His labor charge was £0-7-6, "By one days workan." He, too, made "166 Sash Lights." In the meantime, Thomas Rakstraw [Rakestraw] delivered "seven Lode of Ston[e]." That stone may have gone to "Worlen [walling] a Little house 24 foot at 20," for which mason Cristhofer [Christopher] Thompson charged a flat £2-0-0.¹⁴⁹

Interior paintwork soon commenced. Charls [Charles] Hansly [Hansley] got £0-5-0, on 2/19/27, "By white washen Two romes," and £0-0-9, on 3/28/27, "By preimen a bade Cornish [priming a bedroom cornice]."¹⁵⁰ Although lime from Philadelphia's "Pale grey fine limestone" was abundant, and much used for masonry, "better for white-washing" was the lime made near the seashore from oyster shells and brought to town in winter.¹⁵¹ This may have been what Hansley applied.

Exterior work also progressed. On 3/11/27, William Shute was credited £0-2-6 for hauling "2 Lode of Shingles."¹⁵² Moses Coats of the bricklaying Coatses was also on the job with a helper. His per diem was £0-2-6.¹⁵³ By 8/28/27, Joseph Cross and Edward Warner were called back to confirm Woolley's work on the project. Woolley earned £30-13-0 and, for measuring, Warner £0-4-3.¹⁵⁴

Work continued the following year. For "Glasen - 166 Sash Lights at d/11" each, Samuel Simons got £7-12-0.¹⁵⁵ The "1 mo. 1728" was particularly busy. Thompson was back on the job with help, charging by the flat rate for the specific task of "Layen - 3 harthes & Tilen 3 Chimnes," and by the day for unspecified work. His crew included his son and an unnamed "nagro." Thompson's third method of charging was by the yard. He got six pence per yard, or £1-0-0, "By - forty yards of paven," the following month.¹⁵⁶ That was the same price per yard that Hansley charged for "Larth Work [lathwork]," but twice as much as he got for "Brik Work."¹⁵⁷

Several months later, another mason was engaged, James Sewer. Apparently a specialist in stone pavements, he paved "the front of our four houses" and "ye alle[y] - 8 yards."¹⁵⁸ Sewer may have used soapstone, a stone commonly used to cope areas built of brick, including courtyards and cellar doors sloping towards the street.¹⁵⁹ Two months later, on 7/20/28, carpenter Joseph Rakestraw was back for flooring work, which he charged out at six shilling per square foot.¹⁶⁰

Kalm found Philadelphia's water "good and clear," drawn from "a well in every house." Thompson, a man of many talents, dug a thirty-four foot well, for which Head credited him on 10/28/28. That may not have been deep enough to prevent contamination. Kalm noted that in digging wells "a fault is frequently committed, which in several places of the town spoils the water...." Kalm may have been referring to wells beings located too close to privies. This created a constant source of contagion in 18th century Philadelphia.161

Thompson also made an oven for Head, for which he was credited £0-6-0, on 11/10/28. It is uncertain whether this had a spit initially. Head acquired a second-hand jack in 1734 from Henry Bates. On 10/17/42, he paid £0-16-0 for a "Jack Lien [line or chain]" from George Kellay [Kelley?] who, a day later, charged £0-6-0, "By mending a spit."162

In 1729, Thomas Pars [Pearse], a plasterer, charged £0-5-0 for "one day's work," and separately for material, "Larth [lath]."163 On 3/8/29, carpenter Joseph Townsend was credited £0-13-6, "By 3 days work done by George Harman Briklayer," who may have then been in Townsend's employ. Three months later, Harman merited his own account in Head's book, sub nomine "Georg Arman," for having performed another 20 1/2 days of work.¹⁶⁴

From 8/3/29-4/15/30, Head was charged by John Walten for hauling brick, shingles, a load of earth, and two loads of sand. All of this material may have been in connection with the new work that Thompson had undertaken with respect to digging two "Little" houses, one 30 foot deep, the other 31 foot deep. These required more brick and stonework, on the part of Thompson, and "plasteren ye Kitchin" by Hansly.¹⁶⁵

By 1731, Cristhofer Thompson may have had an association with Thomas Redman, as the former's account was credited for a small amount of brickwork performed by Redman that year. More brickwork and lathwork followed in 1732 by Thomas Pearse.¹⁶⁶

A "marvel harth" from carver Anthony Wilkinson was credited at £1-11-6, on 3/8/34. This establishes the marble hearth as a specific product supplied by his firm. Previously published information about Wilkinson's marble business was more generalized and speculative.167 The hearth may have been made out of what is today called King of Prussia or Pennsylvania Blue marble. The quarry from which it was taken has long been closed, but examples of it survive in the early houses of Head's neighborhood and on a few slab-top tables from his era. Kalm described it, as follows: "a white one, with pale-grey bluish spots, which is found in a quarry at the distance of a few English miles from Philadelphia, and is very good for working, though it is not one of the finest marbles. They make many tombstones and tables, enchase chimneys and doors, floors of marble flags in the rooms, and the like of this kind of marble. A quantity of this commodity is shipped to different parts of America."¹⁶⁸

On 3/16/34, Edward Austin supplied Head with "2 window frames." Several months later, Austin was also credited for making 96 sashlights. It is not possible to determine whether Head put these to his own use or sold them to others, as part of his construction supply operation.169

Head is very specific, however, in recording the £4-0-0 credit to John Coster, on 7/5/35, "By Shingeln my house in Mulbery Street." Coster also got £3-0-0, on 3/8/36, "By maken Shuter for - Ten Windo[w]s."¹⁷⁰

On 2/24/36, Thomas Redman was credited for doing a substantial amount of work to various properties. This included stonework to a cellar, raising a kitchen, and digging a 29-foot well for Head's "new house."171 Carpentry work, probably for the new house, resulted in credits, on 8/20/36, to Thomas Clark for door casements, window frames and "Tenn payer Stairs." The "Tenn" was an abbreviation for Head's "Tennement," or dwelling, not for ten pairs of stairs, as Clark charged only £5-0-0.¹⁷² Daniel Harrison then got £11-0-0 credited, on 12/19/36, "By finishin - 3 Stores In my new house agreed."¹⁷³

Thomas Carrall [Carroll?] was paid for substantial amounts of plastering, lathwork and brickwork, between 3/30/37-6/5/37. Additional lathwork and plastering by him was credited on 4/16/38. ¹⁷⁴

A week later, on 4/24/38, Head credited several loads of "Bats and Cl[i]nkers" from brickmaker James Stoops [Stoopes]. Bats were bricks with one end whole and the other broken. They may may have been used as headers or under plasterwork, as a source of economy. Clinkers, which were bricks overburned in the kiln, would have been more decorative as headers. These suggests that Head's external brickwork may have had a Flemish-bond pattern of glazed headers or something even more elaborate.¹⁷⁵ Other, less productive, uses for bats were as missiles, such as the "brick bats" thrown through the windows of Andrew Farrell, the tanner, by "some evil minded persons."¹⁷⁶

On 4/2/39, Joseph Thornhill got £12-0-0, "By finishen Three Squar Storys of my hous on the north sid of mulbry Street." This also gives some idea of the configuration of each floor. This was probably the house for which William Vallecot charged Head £6-0-0, on 6/9/39, "By plasteren part of my house a gree with him by ye Lump." Joseph Rakestraw made 104 sashlights, credited on 8/16/39, which may also have been used there.¹⁷⁷

From 3/10/39-6/0/45, Thomas Badson was credited a total of £9-5-6, for hauling all manner of construction material, including shingles, "mould[ing?]," brick, stone, scantling, boards, and sand. Such diverse hauling over so long a period is difficult to apportion to a single project. In payment, Badson got 50 bushels of lime and, on 4/18/39, 144 sashlights, glazed and painted.¹⁷⁸

Another Head property was referred to in the £8-5-9 credit to Joseph Marshall, on 12/14/39, "By Brik Laid In my house next to the Bell - 13825 [13,825 bricks]- agreed."¹⁷⁹ The "Bell," a tavern, was one of many in Head's neighborhood. Quaker Philadelphia was known as a city of taverns. It had more per capita than either Paris or Rotterdam.¹⁸⁰ Plastering done by Thomas Pars the following month, and brickwork and lathwork by William Vallecot and Joseph Thornhill's making of "2 windows and a dore," in the following seven months, may all have related to this property.²⁸² There is no indication as to whether the proximity of "the Bell" impeded the work. Just three years before, it was reported that "a Plaisterer of this City drank a Gallon of what is call'd Cyder-Royal, (being three-fourths Cyder and one Quarter Apple-Spirit) in two Hours and half, upon a trifling Wager; which prov'd fatal to him, for he fell Speechless and died before Night."¹⁸²

Head and his neighboring property owners "at the Northerly End" of Philadelphia became so concerned with the potential danger of having the Powder House in their midst that they petitioned the Assembly to relocate it, when sailmaker William Chancellor's daughter, Elizabeth, applied for renewal of its lease.¹⁸³

Beginning in 1738, the first entries appear for what was to become Head's Frankford Road house. By the early 1730's, "[p]etitions were numerous to the Provincial Council for the regulation of the high roads to Germantown and Frankford."184 Head's first consideration was, of course, water. Thomas Redman was credited £2-10-0 that year, "By Digen a Well at frankford Lot - 20 foot deep."¹⁸⁵

In an undated entry, John Karr was credited £8-7-1, "By the Layen of Sixteen Thousand and Seven hundred and Eleven Brik at my hause apon Frankford rode as we agreed Ten Shillings pr Thousand." This must have been about the time or before Head's 4/27-6/13/40 cash payments to Karr began.¹⁸⁶ The carpentry work was performed by Joseph Thornhill and his crew, and included stairs and flooring.¹⁸⁷

Later credit entries pertaining to construction also appear, but lacking context, it is difficult to ascribe them to the Frankford Road house or to one of Head's urban properties. They include credits for "John Smith at noriss plantation," on 5/23/42, "By horlen one Lode of shingles;" Joseph Rakestraw, in 9/0/42, "By - 12 sashlights;" Anthony Wilkinson, on 10/4/45, for another "marvel harth;" and Thomas Pars, on 9/14/46, 5/22/48, 4/28/49, and 5/19/50, for much hundreds of yards of brickwork, lathwork, and plastering.¹⁸⁸